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Pakistan emerged on the
world map on August 14,1947. It has its roots
into the remote past. Its establishment was the
culmination of the struggle by Muslims of the
South-Asian subcontinent for a separate homeland
of their own and its foundation was laid when
Muhammad bin Qasim subdued Sindh in 711 A.D. as
a reprisal against sea pirates that had taken
refuge in Raja Dahir's kingdom.
The advent of Islam further strengthened the
historical individuality in the areas now
constituting Pakistan and further beyond its
boundaries. Stone Age Some of the earliest
relics of Stone Age man in the subcontinent are
found in the Soan Valley of the Potohar region
near Rawalpindi, with a probable antiquity of
about 500,000 years. No human skeleton of such
antiquity has yet been discovered in the area,
but the crude stone implements recovered from
the terraces of the Soan carry the saga of human
toil and labor in this part of the world to the
inter-glacial period. These Stone Age men
fashioned their implements in a sufficiently
homogenous way to justify their grouping in
terms of a culture called the Soan Culture.
About 3000 B.C, amidst the rugged wind-swept
valleys and foothills of Balochistan, small
village communities developed and began to take
the first hesitant steps towards civilization.
Here, one finds a more continuous story of human
activity, though still in the Stone Age.
These pre-historic men established their
settlements, both as herdsmen and as farmers, in
the valleys or on the outskirts of the plains
with their cattle and cultivated barley and
other crops. Red and buffer Cultures Careful
excavations of the pre-historic mounds in these
areas and the classification of their contents,
layer by layer, have grouped them into two main
categories of Red Ware Culture and Buff Ware
Culture. The former is popularly known as the
Zhob Culture of North Balochistan, while the
latter comprises the Quetta, Amri Nal and Kulli
Cultures of Sindh and South Balochistan. Some
Amri Nal villages or towns had stone walls and
bastions for defence purposes and their houses
had stone foundations. At Nal, an extensive
cemetery of this culture consists of about 100
graves. An important feature of this composite
culture is that at Amri and certain other sites,
it has been found below the very distinctive
Indus Valley Culture. On the other hand, the
steatite seals of Nal and the copper implements
and certain types of pot decoration suggest a
partial overlap between the two. It probably
represents one of the local societies which
constituted the environment for the growth of
the Indus Valley Civilization.
The pre-historic site of Kot Diji in the
Sindh province has provided information of high
significance for the reconstruction of a
connected story which pushes back the origin of
this civilization by 300 to 500 years, from
about 2500 B.C.. to at least 2800 B.C. Evidence
of a new cultural elements of pre-Harappan era
has been traced here. Pre-Harappan Civilization
When the primitive village communities in the
Balochistan area were still struggling against a
difficult highland environment, a highly
cultured people were trying to assert themselves
at Kot Diji, one of the most developed urban
civilizations of the ancient world which
flourished between the years 2500 and 1500 B.C.
in the Indus Valley sites of Moenjodaro and
Harappa. These Indus Valley people possessed a
high standard of art and craftsmanship and a
well developed system of quasi pictographic
writing, which despite continuing efforts still
remains undeciphered. The imposing ruins of the
beautifully planned Moenjodaro and Harappa towns
present clear evidence of the unity of a people
having the same mode of life and using the same
kind of tools. Indeed, the brick buildings of
the common people, the public baths, the roads
and covered drainage system suggest the picture
of a happy and contented people. Aryan
Civilization In or about 1500 B.C., the Aryans
descended upon the Punjab and settled in the
Sapta Sindhu, which signifies the Indus plain.
They developed a pastoral society that grew into
the Rigvedic Civilization. The Rigveda is
replete with hymns of praise for this region,
which they describe as "God fashioned". It is
also clear that so long as the Sapta Sindhu
remained the core of the Aryan Civilization, it
remained free from the caste system. The caste
institution and the ritual of complex sacrifices
took shape in the Gangetic Valley. There can be
no doubt that the Indus Civilization contributed
much to the development of the Aryan
civilization. Gandhara Culture The discovery of
the Gandhara grave culture in Dir and Swat will
go a long way in throwing light on the period of
Pakistan's cultural history between the end of
the Indus Culture in 1500 B.C. and the beginning
of the historic period under the Achaemenians in
the sixth century B.C. Hindu mythology and
Sanskrit literary traditions seem to attribute
the destruction of the Indus civilization to the
Aryans, but what really happened, remains a
mystery. The Gandhara grave culture has opened
up two periods in the cultural heritage of
Pakistan: one of the Bronze Age and the other of
the Iron Age. It is so named because it presents
a peculiar pattern of living in hilly zones of
the Gandhara region as evidenced in the graves.
This culture is different from the Indus Culture
and has little relations with the village
culture of Balochistan. Stratigraphy as well as
the artifacts discovered from this area suggest
that the Aryans moved into this part of the
world between 1,500 and 600 B.C. In the sixth
century B.C., Buddha began his teachings, which
later on spread throughout the northern part of
the South-Asian subcontinent. It was towards the
end of this century, too, that Darius I of Iran
organized Sindh and Punjab as the twentieth
satrapy of his empire.
There are remarkable similarities between the
organizations of that great empire and the
Mauryan empire of the third century B.C., while
Kautilya's Arthshastra also shows a strong
Persian influence, Alexander of Macedonia after
defeating Darius III in 330 B.C. had also
marched through the South-Asian subcontinent up
to the river Beas, but Greek influence on the
region appears to have been limited to
contributing a little to the establishment of
the Mauryan empire. The great empire that Asoka,
the grandson of Chandragupta Maurya, built in
the subcontinent included only that part of the
Indus basin which is now known as the northern
Punjab. The rest of the areas astride the Indus
were not subjugated by him. These areas, which
now form a substantial part of Pakistan, were
virtually independent from the time of the
Guptas in the fourth century A.D. until the rise
of the Delhi Sultanate in the thirteenth
century. Gandhara Art Gandhara Art, one of the
most prized possessions of Pakistan, flourished
for a period of 500 years (from the first to the
fifth century A.D.) in the present valley of
Peshawar and the adjacent hilly regions of Swat,
Buner and Bajaur. This art represents a separate
phase of the cultural renaissance of the region.
It was the product of a blending of Indian,
Buddhist and Greco-Roman sculpture. Gandhara Art
in its early stages received the patronage of
Kanishka, the great Kushan ruler, during whose
reign the Silk Route ran through Peshawar and
the Indus Valley, bringing great prosperity to
the whole area. Advent of Islam The first
followers of prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon
him), to set foot on the soil of the South-Asian
subcontinent, were traders from the coast land
of Arabia and the Persian Gulf, soon after the
dawn of Islam in the early seventh century A.D.
DAWN OF
ISLAM
The first permanent Muslim foothold in the
subcontinent was achieved with Muhammad bin
Qasim's conquest of Sindh in 711 A.D. An
autonomous Muslim state linked with the Umayyed,
and later, the Abbassid Caliphate was
established with jurisdiction extending over
southern and central parts of present Pakistan.
Quite a few new cities were established and
Arabic was introduced as the official language.
At the time of Mahmud of Ghazna's invasion,
Muslim rule still existed, though in a weakened
form, in Multan and some other regions. The
Ghaznavids (976-1148) and their successors, the
Ghaurids (1148-1206), were Central Asian by
origin and they ruled their territories, which
covered mostly the regions of present Pakistan,
from capitals outside India. It was in the early
thirteenth century that the foundations of the
Muslim rule in India were laid with extended
boundaries and Delhi as the capital. From 1206
to 1526 A.D., five different dynasties held
sway. Then followed the period of Mughal
ascendancy (1526-1707) and their rule continued,
though nominally, till 1857. From the time
of the Ghaznavids, Persian more or less replaced
Arabic as the official language. The economic,
political and religious institutions developed
by the Muslims bore their unique impression. The
law of the State was based on Shariah and in
principle the rulers were bound to enforce it.
Any long period of laxity was generally followed
by reinforcement of these laws under public
pressure. The impact of Islam on the South-Asian
subcontinent was deep and far-reaching. Islam
introduced not only a new religion, but a new
civilization, a new way of life and new set of
values. Islamic traditions of art and
literature, of culture and refinement, of social
and welfare institution, were established by
Muslim rulers throughout the subcontinent. A new
language, Urdu, derived mainly from Arabic and
Persian vocabulary and adopting indigenous words
and idioms, came to be spoken and written by the
Muslims and it gained currency among the rest of
the Indian population.
URDU IS THE
NATIONAL LANGUAGE OF PAKISTAN
Apart from religion, Urdu also enabled the
Muslim community during the period of its
ascendancy to preserve its separate identity in
the subcontinent.
Muslim Identity -- The question of Muslim
identity, however assumed seriousness during the
decline of Muslim power in South Asia. The first
person to realize its acuteness was the scholar
theologian, Shah Waliullah (1703-62). He laid
the foundation of Islamic renaissance in the
subcontinent and became a source of inspiration
for almost all the subsequent social and
religious reform movements of the nineteenth,
and twentieth centuries. His immediate
successors, inspired by his teachings, tried to
establish a modest Islamic state in the
north-west of India and they, under the
leadership of Sayyed Ahmad Shaheed Barelvi
(1786-1831), persevered in this direction.
British Expansionism and Muslim Resistance
Meanwhile, starting with the East India Company,
the British had emerged as the dominant force in
South Asia. Their rise to power was gradual
extending over a period of nearly one hundred
years. They replaced the Shariah by what they
termed as the Anglo-Muhammadan law whereas Urdu
was replaced by English as the official
language. These and other developments had great
social, economic and political impact especially
on the Muslims of South Asia. The uprising of
1857, termed as the Indian Mutiny by the British
and the War of Independence by the Muslims, was
a desperate attempt to reverse the adverse
course of events. Religious Institutions The
failure of the 1857 War of Independence had
disastrous consequences for the Muslims as the
British placed all the responsibility for this
event on them. Determined to stop such a
recurrence in future, the British followed
deliberately a repressive policy against the
Muslims. Properties and estates of those even
remotely associated with the freedom fighters
were confiscated and conscious efforts were made
to close all avenues of honest living for them.
The Muslim response to this situation also
aggravated their plight. Their religious
leaders, who had been quite active, withdrew
from the mainstream of the community life and
devoted themselves exclusively to imparting
religious education. Although the religious
academies especially those of Deoband, Farangi
Mahal and Rai Bareilly, established by the
Ulema, did help the Muslims to preserve their
identity, the training provided in these
institutions hardly equipped them for the new
challenges. Educational Reform The Muslims kept
themselves aloof from western education as well
as government service. But, their compatriots,
the Hindus, did not do so and accepted the new
rulers without reservation. They acquired
western education, imbibed the new culture and
captured positions hitherto filled in by the
Muslims. If this situation had prolonged, it
would have done the Muslims an irreparable
damage. The man to realise the impending peril
was Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1889), a witness
to the tragic events of 1857. He exerted his
utmost to harmonize British Muslim relations.
His assessment was that the Muslims' safety lay
in the acquisition of western education and
knowledge. He took several positive steps to
achieve this objective. He founded a college at
Aligarh to impart education on western lines. Of
equal importance was the Anglo-Muhammadan
Educational Conference, which he sponsored in
1886, to provide an intellectual forum to the
Muslims for the dissemination of views in
support of western education and social reform.
Similar were the objectives of the Muhammadan
Literary Society, founded by Nawab Adbul Latif
(1828-93), active in Bengal, Sir Syed Ahmad
Khan's efforts transformed into a movement,
known as the Aligarh Movement, and it left its
imprint on the Muslims of every part of the
South-Asian subcontinent. Under its inspiration,
societies were founded throughout the
subcontinent which established educational
institutions for imparting education to the
Muslims.
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was averse to the idea of
participation by the Muslims in any organized
political activity which, he feared, might
revive British hostility towards them. He also
disliked Hindu Muslim collaboration in any joint
venture. His disillusionment in this regard
stemmed basically from the Urdu Hindi
controversy of the late 1860s when the Hindu
enthusiasts vehemently championed the cause of
Hindi to replace Urdu. He, therefore, opposed
the Indian National Congress when it was founded
in 1885 and advised the Muslims to abstain from
its activities. His contemporary and a great
scholar of Islam, Syed Ameer Ali (1849-1928),
shared his views about the Congress, but, he was
not opposed to Muslims organizing themselves
politically. In fact, he organised the first
significant political body of the Muslims, the
Central National Muhammadan Association.
Although, its membership was limited, it had
more than 50 branches in different parts of the
subcontinent and it accomplished some solid work
for the educational and political advancement of
the Muslims. But, its activities waned towards
the end of the nineteenth century. The Muslim
League At the dawn of the twentieth century, a
number of factors convinced the Muslims of the
need to have an effective political
organization. Therefore, in October 1906, a
deputation comprising 35 Muslim leaders met the
Viceroy of the British at Simla and demanded
separate electorates. Three months later, the
All-India Muslim League was founded by Nawab
Salimullah Khan at Dhaka, mainly with the
objective of safeguarding the political rights
and interests of the Muslims. The British
conceded separate electorates in the Government
of India Act of 1909 which confirmed the Muslim
League's position as an All-India party. Attempt
for Hindu Muslim Unity The visible trend of the
two major communities progressing in opposite
directions caused deep concern to leaders of
All-India stature. They struggled to bring the
Congress and the Muslim League on one platform.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) was
the leading figure among them. After the
annulment of the partition of Bengal and the
European Powers' aggressive designs against the
Ottoman Empire and North Africa, the Muslims
were receptive to the idea of collaboration with
the Hindus against the British rulers.
The Congress Muslim League rapprochement was
achieved at the Lucknow sessions of the two
parties in 1916 and a joint scheme of reforms
was adopted. In the Lucknow Pact. as the scheme
was commonly referred to, the Congress accepted
the principle of separate electorates, and the
Muslims, in return for `weightage' to the
Muslims of the Muslim minority provinces, agreed
to surrender their thin majorities in the Punjab
and Bengal. The post Lucknow Pact period
witnessed Hindu Muslim amity and the two parties
came to hold their annual sessions in the same
city and passed resolutions of identical
contents.
KHILAFAT
MOVEMENT
The Hindu Muslim unity reached its climax
during the Khilafat and the Non-cooperation
Movements. The Muslims of soothsayer, under the
leadership of the Ali Brothers, Maulana Muhammad
Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, launched the
historic Khilafat Movement after the First World
War to protect the Ottoman Empire from
dismemberment. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
(1869-1948) linked the issue of Swaraj
(self-government) with the Khilafat issue to
associate the Hindus with the Movement. the
ensuing Movement was the first countrywide
popular movement.
Although the Movement failed in its
objectives, it had a far-reaching impact on the
Muslims of South Asia. After a long time, they
took united action on a purely Islamic issue
which momentarily forged solidarity among them.
It also produced a class of Muslim leaders
experienced in organizing and mobilizing the
public. This experience was of immense value to
the Muslims later during the Pakistan Movement
The collapse of the Khilafat Movement was
followed by a period of bitter Hindu Muslim
antagonism. The Hindus organized two highly anti
Muslim movements, the Shudhi and the Sangathan.
The former movement was designed to convert
Muslims to Hinduism and the latter was meant to
create solidarity among the Hindus in the event
of communal conflict. In retaliation, the
Muslims sponsored the Tabligh and Tanzim
organizations to counter the impact of the
Shudhi and the Sangathan. In the 1920s, the
frequency of communal riots was unprecedented.
Several Hindu-Muslim unity conferences were held
to remove the causes of conflict, but, it seemed
nothing could mitigate the intensity of
communalism. Muslim Demand Safeguards In the
light of this situation, the Muslims revised
their constitutional demands. They now wanted
preservation of their numerical majorities in
the Punjab and Bengal, separation of Sindh from
Bombay, constitution of Balochistan as a
separate province and introduction of
constitutional reforms in the North-West
Frontier Province. It was partly to press these
demands that one section of the All-India Muslim
League cooperated with the Statutory commission
sent by the British Government under the
chairmanship of Sir John Simon in 1927.
SIMON
COMMISSION
The other section of the League, which
boycotted the Simon Commission for its
all-White character, cooperated with the Nehru
Committee, appointed by the All-Parties
Conference, to draft a constitution for India.
The Nehru Report had an extremely anti-Muslim
bias and the Congress leadership's refusal to
amend it disillusioned even the moderate
Muslims. Allama Muhammad Iqbal Several leaders
and thinkers, having insight into the
Hindu-Muslim question proposed separation of
Muslim India. However, the most lucid exposition
of the inner feeling of the Muslim community was
given by Allama Muhammad Iqbal(1877-1938) in his
Presidential Address at the All-India Muslim
League Session at Allahabad in 1930. He
suggested that for the healthy development of
Islam in South-Asia, it was essential to have a
separate Muslim state at least in the Muslim
majority regions of the north-west. Later on, in
his correspondence with Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad
Ali Jinnah, he included the Muslim majority
areas in the north-east also in his proposed
Muslim state. Three years after his Allahabad
Address, a group of Muslim students at
Cambridge, headed by Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, issued
a pamphlet, Now or Never, in which drawing
letters from the names of the Muslim majority
regions, they gave the nomenclature of
"Pakistan" to the proposed State. Very few even
among the Muslim welcomed the idea at the time.
It was to take a decade for the Muslims to
embrace the demand for a separate Muslim state.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Meanwhile,
three Round Table Conferences were convened in
London during 1930-32, to resolve the Indian
constitutional problem. The Hindu and Muslim
leaders, who were invited to these conferences,
could not draw up an agreed formula and the
British Government had to announce a `Communal
Award' which was incorporated in the Government
of India Act of 1935. Before the elections under
this Act, the All-India Muslim League, which had
remained dormant for some time, was reorganized
by Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who had
returned to India in 1934,after an absence of
nearly five years in England. The Muslim League
could not win a majority of Muslim seats since
it had not yet been effectively reorganized.
However, it had the satisfaction that the
performance of the Indian National Congress in
the Muslim constituencies was bad. After the
elections, the attitude of the Congress
leadership was arrogant and domineering. The
classic example was its refusal to form a
coalition government with the Muslim League in
the United Provinces. Instead, it asked the
League leaders to dissolve their parliamentary
arty in the Provincial Assembly and join the
Congress. Another important Congress move after
the 1937 elections was its Muslim mass contact
movement to persuade the Muslims to join the
Congress and not the Muslim League. One of its
leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru, even declared that
there were only two forces in India, the British
and the Congress. All this did not go
unchallenged.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah countered
that there was a third force in South-Asia
constituting the Muslims. The All-India Muslim
League, under his gifted leadership, gradually
and skillfully started organising the Muslims on
one platform. Towards a Separate Muslim Homeland
The 1930s witnessed awareness among the Muslims
of their separate identity and their anxiety to
preserve it within separate territorial
boundaries. An important element that brought
this simmering Muslim nationalism in the open
was the character of the Congress rule in the
Muslim minority provinces during 1937-39. The
Congress policies in these provinces hurt Muslim
susceptibilities. There were calculated aims to
obliterate the Muslims as a separate cultural
unit. The Muslims now stopped thinking in terms
of seeking safeguards and began to consider
seriously the demand for a separate Muslim
state. During 1937-39, several Muslim leaders
and thinkers, inspired by Allama Iqbal's ideas,
presented elaborate schemes for partitioning the
subcontinent according to two-nation theory.
Pakistan Resolution The All-India Muslim League
soon took these schemes into consideration and
finally, on March 23, 1940, the All-India Muslim
League, in a resolution, at its historic Lahore
Session, demanded a separate homeland for the
Muslims in the Muslim majority regions of the
subcontinent. The resolution was commonly
referred to as the Pakistan Resolution. The
Pakistan demand had a great appeal for the
Muslims of every persuasion. It revived memories
of their past greatness and promised future
glory. They, therefore, responded to this demand
immediately. Cripps Mission The British
Government recognized the genuineness of the
Pakistan demand indirectly in the proposals for
the transfer of power after the Second World War
which Sir Stafford Cripps brought to India in
1942. Both the Congress and the All-India Muslim
League rejected these proposals for different
reasons. The principles of secession of Muslim
India as a separate Dominion was however,
conceded in these proposals. After this failure,
a prominent Congress leader, C. Rajgopalacharia,
suggested a formula for a separate Muslim state
in the Working Committee of the Indian National
Congress, which was rejected at the time, but
later on, in 1944, formed the basis of the
Jinnah-Gandhi talks. Demand for Pakistan
PAKISTAN
MOVEMENT
The Pakistan demand became popular during the
Second World War Every section of the Muslim
community-men , women, students, Ulema and
businessmen-were organized under the banner of
the All-India Muslim League. Branches of the
party were opened even in the remote corners of
the subcontinent. Literature in the form of
pamphlets, books, magazines and newspapers was
produced to explain the Pakistan demand and
distributed widely. The support gained by the
All-India Muslim League and its demand for
Pakistan was tested after the failure of the
Simla Conference, convened by the Viceroy, Lord
Wavell, in 1945. Elections were called to
determine the respective strength of the
political parties. The All-India Muslim League
election campaign was based on the Pakistan
demand. The Muslim community responded to this
call in an unprecedented way. Numerous Muslim
parties were formed making united parliamentary
board at the behest of the Congress to oppose
the Muslim League. But the All-India Muslim
League swept all the thirty seats in the Central
Legislature and in the provincial elections
also, its victory was outstanding. After the
elections, on April 8-9,1946, the All-India
Muslim League called a convention of the
newly-elected League members in the Central and
Provincial Legislatures at Delhi. This
convention, which constituted virtually a
representative assembly of the Muslims of South
Asia, on a motion by the Chief Minister of
Bengal, Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, reiterated
the Pakistan demand in clearer terms. Cabinet
Plan In early 1946, the British Government sent
a Cabinet Mission to the subcontinent to resolve
the constitutional deadlock. The Mission
conducted negotiations with various political
parties, but failed to evolve an agreed formula.
Finally, the Cabinet Mission announced its own
Plan, which among other provisions, envisaged
three federal groupings, two of them comprising
the Muslim majority provinces, linked at the
Centre in a loose federation with three
subjects. The Muslim League accepted the plan,
as a strategic move, expecting to achieve its
objective in not-too-distant a future. The
All-India Congress also agreed to the Plan, but,
soon realising its implications, the Congress
leaders began to interpret it in a way not
visualized by the authorise of the Plan. This
provided the All-India Muslim League an excuse
to withdraw its acceptance of the Plan and the
party observed August 16, as a `Direct Action
Day' to show Muslim solidarity in support of the
Pakistan demand. Partition Scheme In October
1946, an Interim Government was formed. The
Muslim League sent its representative under the
leadership of its General Secretary, Mr. Liaquat
Ali Khan, with the aim to fight for the party
objective from within the Interim Government.
After a short time, the situation inside the
Interim Government and outside convinced the
Congress leadership to accept Pakistan as the
only solution of the communal problem. The
British Government, after its last attempt to
save the Cabinet Mission Plan in December 1946,
also moved towards a scheme for the partition of
India. The last British Viceroy, Lord Louis
Mountbatten, came with a clear mandate to draft
a plan for the transfer of power.
After holding talks with political leaders
and parties, he prepared a Partition Plan for
the transfer of power, which, after approval of
the British Government, was announced on June
3,1947. Emergence of Pakistan Both the Congress
and the Muslim League accepted the Plan. Two
largest Muslim majority provinces, Bengal and
Punjab, were partitioned. The Assemblies of West
Punjab, East Bengal and Sindh and in
Balochistan, the Quetta Municipality, and the
Shahi Jirga voted for Pakistan. Referenda were
held in the North-West Frontier Province and the
District of Sylhet in Assam, which resulted in
an overwhelming vote for Pakistan. As a result,
on August 14,1947, the new state of Pakistan
came into existence. |